ROME, October 8 — Italy’s lower house of Parliament is set to hold a final vote today on a controversial bill aimed at changing the country’s electoral system, a reform that could significantly reshape the way parliamentary seats are allocated.
The bill, promoted by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government, proposes awarding a 105-seat majority bonus to the party or coalition that wins the most votes, provided it secures at least 42 percent of the vote.
Of the 105 bonus seats, 70 would come from the Chamber of Deputies and 35 from the Senate. These seats would not be added to Parliament’s existing total. Instead, they would be allocated from the country’s existing 600 parliamentary seats.
Under the proposed system, a party or coalition would have to secure at least 42 percent of the vote in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate to qualify for the bonus. If the threshold is not reached, or if different parties or coalitions emerge as the largest force in the two chambers, no bonus would be awarded and seats would be distributed proportionally.
Today’s vote is the final secret-ballot vote on the bill.
If approved, the legislation would replace Italy’s current Rosatellum electoral system. The government has referred to the proposed system as “Stabilicum,” while opposition critics have dubbed it “Meloniellum,” linking it directly to the prime minister.
How would the 42 percent threshold work?
Italy’s Parliament currently has 400 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 200 in the Senate, for a total of 600 seats.
Under the proposed system, 70 Chamber seats and 35 Senate seats would be used as bonus seats, while the remaining seats would be allocated proportionally.
For example, if a coalition receives more than 42 percent of the vote and meets the required threshold in both chambers, it would receive the 70-seat bonus in the Chamber of Deputies and 35-seat bonus in the Senate.
Combined with the proportional seats it receives, the winning coalition could obtain a clear parliamentary majority.
However, the bill also establishes an upper limit on the number of seats a winning coalition can hold. It could receive a maximum of 220 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 113 in the Senate.
This means a coalition securing around 42 percent of the vote would not necessarily receive only 42 percent of parliamentary seats. Under certain circumstances, the bonus could give it a significantly larger share and potentially a parliamentary majority.
Opposition parties argue that this could create a substantial imbalance between votes and seats.
Parties would have to name a prospective prime minister
The proposed system would also require parties and coalitions participating in an election to announce, at the time of registering their candidacy, the person they intend to propose to the president as prime minister, along with their political programme.
However, voters would not directly elect the prime minister, and the person named by the winning coalition would not automatically become prime minister.
Under Italy’s Constitution, the power to appoint the prime minister remains with the President of the Republic. The proposed legislation would preserve that constitutional authority.
The government argues that the provision would give voters greater clarity before an election about who would be proposed as head of government.
Opposition parties, however, fear that it could increase political pressure on the president and affect the constitutional balance between the presidency and Parliament.
Why is the reform important for Meloni?
The electoral reform has become politically important for Meloni’s government.
The government previously placed three confidence votes on amended provisions of the bill in the Chamber of Deputies. The government won those votes with 226, 227 and 228 votes, respectively.
Today’s vote, however, is not a confidence vote. It is the final secret ballot on the electoral reform itself.
Secret ballots have raised concerns within the governing coalition because lawmakers can vote against their party’s official position without their vote being publicly identifiable. In Italian political terminology, such a dissident lawmaker is sometimes described as a “Franco Tiratore.”
Meloni has indicated that failure of the electoral reform could have serious political consequences for her government. Leaders within the governing coalition have also suggested that a defeat on a key government measure could create pressure on the prime minister to consider her position.
As a result, today’s vote is being closely watched not only for the future of Italy’s electoral system but also for the political stability of the Meloni government.
Italy’s long history of government instability
Italy has a long history of political instability.
Since the establishment of the Italian Republic in 1946, the country has had dozens of governments, with governments historically lasting only around 14 months on average.
One of the shortest-lived governments was the first government of Amintore Fanfani, which lasted only 22 days in 1954.
Meloni’s government, however, has broken with that historical pattern.
On September 4, 2026, Meloni’s government reached 1,413 days in office, surpassing the 1,412-day record previously held by Silvio Berlusconi’s second government.
Meloni became prime minister on October 22, 2022, following the general election held that year. The current parliamentary term is scheduled to continue until 2027, although an early election could become a possibility if the government loses its parliamentary majority or faces a major political crisis.
Opposition: Bonus seats could distort representation
The main opposition to the proposed electoral law centres on the 42 percent threshold and the large number of bonus seats.
Opposition parties argue that a coalition winning only slightly more than 42 percent of the vote could potentially secure more than 55 percent of parliamentary representation.
They say this could create a significant gap between the percentage of votes received and the percentage of seats won.
Some constitutional law experts have also raised questions about the proposal, particularly over whether the bonus could give the governing coalition disproportionate political power.
Critics fear that such a system could allow a coalition with less than half of the popular vote to obtain a very large parliamentary majority, potentially affecting the balance of power within Italy’s constitutional institutions.
Italy’s president also plays an important constitutional role. The president is elected by a joint session of Parliament and has the constitutional authority to appoint the prime minister.
Opposition parties and some constitutional scholars are therefore examining whether the proposed electoral system could alter the balance between Parliament, the government and the presidency.
Opposition groups have indicated that they could challenge the legislation before the Constitutional Court if it is approved.
Comparisons with the Acerbo Law
Some opposition commentators have compared the proposed electoral reform with Italy’s controversial Acerbo Law of 1923, which was introduced during the Fascist era.
The Acerbo Law gave the list receiving the largest number of votes two-thirds of the seats if it secured at least 25 percent of the vote.
In the 1924 election, the list led by Benito Mussolini won around 64.9 percent of the vote and secured 374 of the 535 seats.
Journalist and political analyst Massimo Giannini has also compared the proposed reform with controversial electoral laws from Italy’s past, arguing that a large majority bonus could distort parliamentary representation.
However, such comparisons are political criticisms rather than direct legal equivalences. The Acerbo Law was introduced in the context of Fascist Italy, while the current reform is being debated within Italy’s constitutional democratic system.
From “Porcellum” to another electoral system
Italy has repeatedly changed its electoral system over the past several decades.
In 2005, the country adopted the electoral law known as “Porcellum,” which also provided a majority bonus to the party or coalition receiving the most votes.
Unlike the current proposal, however, the Porcellum did not establish a minimum vote threshold for receiving the bonus.
Italy’s Constitutional Court later ruled that key elements of the system were unconstitutional.
The court found that awarding a majority bonus without a minimum vote threshold could allow a party or coalition receiving a relatively small share of the vote to obtain a disproportionately large number of seats, potentially undermining democratic representation.
The new proposal attempts to address that concern by establishing a 42 percent minimum threshold.
Government supporters therefore argue that the proposed system differs significantly from the Porcellum and is designed to combine greater government stability with a minimum level of electoral support.
What happens after today’s vote?
If the bill passes today’s final secret ballot, Italy’s electoral system will undergo a major change.
The proposed system is designed to combine proportional representation with a majority bonus, making it easier for the winning coalition to secure a stable parliamentary majority and form a government capable of completing its term.
If no party or coalition reaches the 42 percent threshold, or if different coalitions emerge as the leading force in the two chambers, the bonus seats would not be awarded and parliamentary seats would instead be distributed proportionally.
The reform could therefore have a direct impact on Italy’s next general election, currently expected in 2027.
Meloni’s government argues that the reform could bring greater political stability to a country historically known for frequent changes of government.
Opposition parties, however, warn that the system could give a coalition significantly more parliamentary power than its share of the popular vote would suggest.
The outcome of today’s vote will therefore be closely watched as a test not only of Italy’s future electoral system but also of the political strength and stability of Meloni’s government.
